In this miscellany entry, Edwards’s intent is to show that “enthusiasm” has been around as long as the church. There was excitement, and response to the proclamation of the Gospel, and perhaps much concern for the things of religion, but ultimately much of this would not amount to anything. The seeming movement of God’s Spirit through these people would prove to be, in Edwards’s words, “pretended.” If first century Judea was not immune to such “enthusiasm” at the preaching of such a saint of God as John the Baptist, Edwards is implying, then certainly it should be expected that there will be some excesses and false affections drafting the genuine work of God’s Spirit in the colonial awakenings.

Therefore, “enthusiasm” is no reason to discredit the awakenings outright, as the Old Lights would prefer. Rather, it is necessary to seek ways in which to separate the wheat and the chaff. In other words, to find what are “distinguishing marks of a work of the Spirit of God,” or what are “signs of truly gracious and holy affections.”

1058. ENTHUSIASM.
John the Baptist was a person greatly moved by the Spirit. He preached to the people in a very earnest manner, warning of their danger, calling upon ‘em to fly from the wrath to come with great pathos, manifesting his great engagedness not only in words but deeds: his incessant labor and great self-denial and great boldness in his work, fearing none, reproving great and small, whereby the people, seeing and hearing, were mightily moved. Christ therefore says concerning him, Matthew 11:7 and Luke 7:24, “What went ye out into the wilderness to see? A reed shaken with the wind?” Which seems to imply that there is such a thing as men’s being mightily moved and actuated by something that is pretended to be the Spirit of God, but yet is vain and empty as the wind, exceeding unsteady, and soon comes to nothing, though violent; and that the persons that are the subjects of this emotion do show their great weakness in yielding to it, and being governed by [it]. Such there were, many of them, in the primitive ages of the Christian church. Christ denies John the Baptist to be such a one.

Works of Jonathan Edwards, Volume 20, The “Miscellanies:” 833-1152, ed. Amy Plantinga Pauw (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2002), 395.

There is a creature here whom perhaps you never heard of before. It is called an Exhorter. It is of both sexes, but generally of the male, and young. Its distinguished qualities are ignorance, impudence, zeal. Numbers of these Exhorters are amongst the people here. They go from town to town, creep into houses, lead captive silly women, and then the men. Such of them as have good voices do great execution as they move their hearers, make them cry, faint, swoon, fall into convulsions.

Edwin S. Gaustad, The Great Awakening in New England (Gloucester: Peter Smith, 1965), 70.

One of the more interesting tidbits in the Sinners saga is that the church at Enfield was not the first congregation to hear this sermon. Edwards preached this sermon to his Northampton congregation in June 1741, though it was a bit different than the Enfield iteration, and did not get near the response that it did there. To my knowledge, the text of the earlier version is not available today, but it was described as being a bit milder and more pastoral than the later version.

Though not representative of Edwards’s vast sermonic corpus, Sinners is quite representative of a certain genre of sermon often referred to as “awakening sermons.” Traditional sermons in the 18th century, and even today, will comprise a handful of points related to a biblical passage or particular topic or theme. Awakening sermons, however, generally harped on one theme, illustrated and repeated as many times as the preacher felt necessary, in as many ways as he felt was necessary. So it is with Sinners. The rhetorical genius of Jonathan Edwards finds little better example than this sermon as he employs a barrage of metaphors and descriptions to describe the one idea of God’s fury toward the damned and the horror they will undergo if they die outside God’s grace. It’s hard to recognize this genius and the literary prowess of this sermon, however, because emotion often overcomes the reader and they cannot see past their horror or disgust at what they are reading. Of course this is the point of the awakening sermon! To be shaken and stirred from one’s present complacency to an understanding of their state in hopes of their turning toward God and Christ for solace and assurance.

Such was the response of the Enfield congregation. Rev. Stephen Williams of Longmeadow, Massachusetts recorded the events of that day in his diary:

went over to Enfd, where we met Dear Mr E- of N. H. – who preachd a most awakening Sermon from those words Deut – 32.35 – and before ye Sermon – was done there was a great moaning – & crying out throughout ye whole House – what shall I do to be Savd – oh I am going to Hell – oh what shall I do for a christ &c &c – so yt ye minister – was obligd to desist – shreiks & crys – were piercing & Amazing – - after Some time of waiting – the congregation were still So yt a prayr was made by Mr W – & after that we descendd from the pulpitt and discoursd – with the people – Some in one place & Some in another – and Amazing & Astonishing – ye powr – God was Seen – & Severall Souls were hopfully – wrought upon yt – night & oh ye cheerfullness & pleasntness of thier countenances – yt receivd comfort – oh yt God – wd strengthen & confirm &c we Sung an hymn & prayd & despersd – ye Assembly.

So great was the response to Edwards’s preaching of this sermon at Enfield, that he “was obligd to desist.” In other words, Edwards did not even get through the whole sermon because the shrieks and cries were so great that he simply could not continue. Edwards, to some degree, accomplished what he set out to do in Enfield, and this sermon continues to evoke similar responses, at least at the emotional level, when it is read today.

So Sinners is an important sermon, one worthy of great study, particularly for its literary quality. But it must be kept in context. It must be remembered that this sermon, and other awakening sermons of the period, had a specific end in being written and preached, and that they were not characteristic of the period either in Edwards’s preaching or in the preaching of much of New England. With all the heightened interest in Edwards studies today, it is my hope that we will finally come around to appreciating Sinners for what it is, which is marvelous, and eschew the mostly unfair treatment and scorn that it has received over the last 268 years, particularly in American high schools and colleges.

Of course, Jonathan Edwards was greatly in tune with this emphasis on the new birth, especially seen in his sermon “A Divine and Supernatural Light,” which points to “a new sense of divine things” that comes about through the illuminating work of God’s Spirit upon the soul of an individual. This “new sense” awakens the soul to see things as they really are, namely the majesty and glory of God, the beauty of Christ and his work, and the truth of Scripture and teachings of the Christian religion. Edwards was also no stranger to awakenings, having gone through several “stirrings” and times of “harvest” both in his father’s church in East Windsor and his grandfather’s church in Northampton. Edwards himself pastored through a brief awakening in 1734-35 in Northampton, half a decade before nearly all of the English colonies were caught up in religious fervor.

After 1735, however, many of Edwards’s parishioners went through periods of backsliding, an evident sign to Edwards that the Holy Spirit was drawing back his influence on the congregation. This prompted Edwards to embark on several sermon campaigns, including the “Charity and its Fruits” sermons, a series on the parable of the wise and foolish virgins, and the sermon series on a “History of the Work of Redemption.” These work little effect among the town and Edwards begins to examine more closely the nature of Christian obedience and behavior, realizing that he may have overemphasized the “divine light” aspect of conversion, not giving sufficient attention to the “divine living” aspect of the Christian life and sanctification. Edwards’s treatise on Religious Affections, published in 1746, a few years after the awakenings of 1740-42, displays a much more balanced approach as he meticulously works these ideas out.

The entire game would change, however, with the arrival of a young, charismatic preacher named George Whitefield. Experiencing some success as a preacher in England, Whitefield comes over to the colonies and sets society on fire by sparking a wide series of awakenings throughout the colonies, resulting in the period known as the Great Awakening. Not everyone was caught up in this movement, however, with many clergy denouncing charismatic excesses and a perceived tendency toward antinomianism that seemed to follow the awakenings as they swept through the land. This sparked controversies between Old Lights, those critical of the awakenings, and New Lights, awakening supporters, causing further upheaval.

Edwards attempted to plow a middle road, championing the revivals as a true work of the Spirit of God, but also warning against the few excesses that were reported and observed. He criticizes New Lights for being un-Christian and un-Scriptural at times, and Old Lights for a stale theology and tradition-driven (as opposed to Scripture-driven) critiques of new approaches to preaching, evangelism, and ministry in general. Though Whitefield would be the most successful awakening preacher of the era, Edwards would also find success, largely away from his congregation at Northampton, this being the period where he (in)famously preached “Sinners in the Hands of an Angry God” at Enfield, Connecticut.

Much more could be said about the Great Awakening, and especially Edwards’s awakening writings (Religious Affections sparked a fascinating and wonderful discussion in the class), but that was the gist of what we discussed in class today.

After formal class and discussion time, we were surprised with another guest lecture, this time by Dr. Walter Kimnach. Dr. Kimnach served as the general editor for the six sermon volumes in the Yale Works of Jonathan Edwards project, personally editing volumes 10 and 25 himself (just as a sidenote, anyone interested in Edwards’s sermons and preaching should absolutely read Dr. Kimnach’s introduction to volume 10). Dr. Kimnach, naturally, spoke to us about Edwards’s methods as a preacher, particularly in how he structured his sermons, beginning formally with Scripture, then moving to an explanation of the doctrine in view, and concluding with a lengthy application section.

With that, the third day of instruction ended, but there was much more to come. Up next: a trip to the Beinecke Library, home to the largest Jonathan Edwards manuscript collection. A geek’s dream come true!

Sticking with a theme of redefinition, Kidd also desires a slightly nuanced understanding of what makes one an evangelical Christian.  He considers the four-pronged approach of David Bebbington–conversionism, activism, biblicism, and crucicentrism–to be slightly off, and instead argues for an evangelicalism defined by “persistent desires for revival, widespread individual conversions, and the outpouring of the Holy Spirit” (xix).  This definition is crucial to the overall argument of the book, as the author sees this period as a fracas over the limits and boundaries of each of those three characteristics.

In making his case, the author begins by speaking to the influence of early New England Puritanism on later American evangelicalism and revivalism.  These latter two find their roots in the covenant renewals popular in the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries.  With the aid of printing campaigns and the proliferation of correspondence among clergy, localized covenant renewals would evolve into seasons of particular revival, the earliest appearing in Connecticut from 1720-1722.  Over the course of the next six decades, instances of revival would grow in frequency, effect, and religious fervor, again, reaching a pinnacle in the nearly New England-wide revival  of 1740-1743.

Not all colonial American Christians, lay or clergy, would welcome the new revivalism, and American evangelicalism would soon find itself split into three parties:  antirevivalists, moderates, and radicals.  Antirevivalists were critical of these new movements, fearing the dangers and likely conclusions of extreme expressions of enthusiasm, as well as having little patience with the wellspring of itinerant preachers who had no qualms with charging those critical of the revivals with the great crime of ministering while unconverted.  Moderate evangelicals welcomed the revival spirit, but with much caution.  They, too, understood the potential problems of charismatic excess and sought to draw boundaries around “legitimate” instances of revival.  The litmus test of revivalism for moderates would be defined in this way:  though “Authentic religious experiences might manifest themselves in various ways…they would always produce enduring, godly effects” (119).  Ecstatic experiences proved nothing if they did not result in a noticeable change in the way one lived and acted.

The bane of both these groups was, of course, the radicals.  Radicals practiced unrestrained itinerancy and some would even practice unrestrained exhortation, allowing untrained men, women, children, African American, and Native American Christians to preach and exhort.  Most characteristic of the radicals, however, was the extreme emotionalism that often accompanied, or was encouraged by, stirrings of revivalism.  Such emotionalism included “shaking, fits, and trances…involuntary motions or swooning” (131), and radicals soon began claiming that only those who experienced such heights could be assured that they were truly converted.

In telling the story of this first generation of American evangelicalism, Kidd relies on the vast extant source material from the era including diaries, pamphlets, books, personal correspondence, etc.  Though some of it can get quite repetitive, these types of first-hand accounts give much credence to the thesis that revivals were ongoing for the better part of the eighteenth century, rather than just a few short years in the middle of the century.  One problem with such reliance, however, is a lack of involvement with other social and cultural issues that may have influenced the onset of these episodes.  Though Kidd briefly mentions some types of these issues, i.e. an economic crisis that may have helped spur the 1740 revival in Massachusetts, there is no real explanation as to how these outside issues may have influenced or effected religious sentiments at the time.

This is also true with regard to wider intellectual currents in the eighteenth century.  Here, too, we see the limits of sticking with primary, first-hand source material.  It would have been particularly interesting and illuminating to have seen some discussion of the impact of Enlightenment thought, particularly on the moderates and the ways that the new paradigm factored into their desire to view the awakenings in terms of reason, virtue, and logical definition of the movement.  Again, some mention is hinted at, but there is not much of an attempt to synthesize the broader intellectual movement with the growth of American revivalism.

Despite these faults, The Great Awakening is a valuable introduction to the era and religious issues and currents at play in the early days of American evangelicalism.  Particularly useful is the constant interweaving of George Whitefield’s ministry through the various pockets of revival.  As the most notable figure during the awakenings, The Grand Itinerant naturally has prime of place in the overall narrative.  Whitefield is described as a brilliant preacher who sees a great deal of success in his travels around the Colonies, but Kidd is careful to stress that Whitefield should primarily be viewed as a catalyst in the towns he visited, rather than being the primary “soul-getter,” noting that most conversions happened after Whitefield had left town.

This book is also helpful in showing the impact of the New England revivals on the southern colonies, and particularly in aiding the growth of the Separatist movements.  Separatists united around the necessity for immediate, discernible conversions, and championed the right of the uneduated to preach and be ordained by the local church.  Much of this concern was born out of a perceived lack of purity in the antirevivalist, and even moderate churches, as well as wanting to decisively break from those who opposed so-called “excesses.”  While all Separatists could agree on these points, a rift would form over the issue of Baptism, causing the formation of the Baptist movement which would gain steam in the Middle Colonies and explode in the South, particularly in the nineteenth century.

Overall, Kidd has presented a delightful telling of the early American evangelical story that is rich in drama and anecdotal evidence.  Even if there are a few interpretive issues in the overall argument, The Great Awakening is a wonderful primer that will introduce the reader to the primary characters, issues, and effects of colonial American Christianity, as well as provide a useful framework for viewing the influence of evangelicalism on later American culture, particularly during the revolutionary and Civil War eras.

began to preach, first to his perplexed wife, and then to a neighbor named Campbell.  He showed Campbell John 3:3 and told him he needed to be born again.  Campbell began to curse at Mulkey and shouted, ‘What devilish project are you now upon with the word of God in your hand?’ With this, Campbell stripped off his shirt and challenged Mulkey to a brawl, ‘spitting on his hands and clenching his fists.’  Mulkey began to cry, and Campbell put his shirt back on and began to cry, too (263).

The Gospel of Jesus Christ: reducing burly men to tears for over 2000 years!

This question becomes even more interesting when, as Kidd reminds us, there was really nothing that extraordinary about the content of the sermon.  “Awakening sermons” were quite common in the period, especially among Calvinist preachers.  These sermons were designed to “shake sinners out of their self-righteous delusions” (104), and would often include graphic descriptions of the plight of the unconverted and their everlasting torment in the fires of hell.  Certainly Sinners fulfilled that qualification to the utmost.  Another point that makes the lasting significance of this sermon quite curious is the fact that a good number of the other Awakening preachers employed lavish preaching styles that may have, at the very least, effected, and at the very most, manipulated, the response they received while preaching.  This was not so for Edwards, however, who was known for his somber deliveries.  A third and final consideration to be made, one that Kidd doesn’t bring up but still bears mentioning, is the fact that the preaching of this sermon that made it famous was not the first time it was preached.  We remember the episode at Enfield, Connecticut on July 8, 1741, but we do not remember that Edwards first preached this sermon to his own Northampton congregation in June of that year as the revival movements were beginning to gain steam.

With these considerations in mind, Kidd offers a two suggestions as to why this sermon has been remembered as the archetype for “awakening sermons” and the most representative work during the period of the Great Awakening.  The first is, of course, the response it received.  It should always be known that Enfield lay in close proximity to the town of Suffield, which, only days before the preaching of July 8, had undergone heightened senses of divine things to the point of there being, in the words of Stephen Williams, “considerable crying among ye people…& a Screaching in ye streets” (104).  Surely these emotional responses were known in Enfield and Enfield may have caught the awakening fever from its neighbor, especially considering that many who had fallen into fits in Suffield may have come over to hear the preaching at Enfield.

The second, and more likely, reason that this sermon is remembered is the grand style of the rhetoric that Edwards used.  Sinners is a masterpiece of imagery and style that is simply unmatched by other awakening sermons of the era.  Kidd says, “Sinners in the Hands of an Angry God was brilliant, vivid, and terrifying.  Edwards’s warnings of judgment made the congregation scream for fear of hell” (105).  And he did this, again, through the mere communication of words.  Not through performance or affected style, but simply through the power of his imagery.  George Marsden makes this very point in explaining, “Sinners is so remarkable because Edwards employed so many images and addressed them so immediately to his hearers that they were left with no escape” (Jonathan Edwards: A Life, 222).

It’s interesting, when you talk to the average person about Edwards, the person that only knows Edwards from high school English or Intro to Literature in college, that all they remember is the imagery of the sermon.  Much of this remembered imagery comes from the infamous “spider” passage in which Edwards proclaims, “The God that holds you over the pit of hell, much as one holds a spider, or some loathsome insect, over the fire, abhors you, and is dreadfully provoked….”  Yet the imagery used in this passage is merely one of many metaphors that Edwards uses for the purpose of shaking his hearers out of their sin and into the marvelous light of faith in Christ.  That is why this sermon is so remembered and regarded as exemplar of the period.  The unending barrage of metaphors, the vivid, terrifying imagery, the seriousness of the subject, the carefully crafted and designed rhetoric—all these work together to produce a masterful work in which Edwards, at least on the surface of reaction, achieved the end in which he set out to get.